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APR 2011: Universal Service, Spectrum Policy, Online Privacy and Internet Sales Taxes

The Reason Foundation today has published the Telecommunications and Internet section of its 2011 Annual Privatization Review.

Although there's been a bit of lead time since the articles were written, they are still timely. Notable is the discussion on the collection of state sales taxes from Internet retailers, back in the news now that Amazon.com has reached an agreement with the state of Texas to collect sales taxes from consumers in the Lone Star State. The settlement concludes a lengthy battle in Austin as to whether Amazon's distribution facility in Ft. Worth constitutes a "nexus" as defined in previous court cases.

While a blow to Amazon's Texas customers (full disclosure: I count myself as one), the action may shed further light on the debate as to how much advantage the Amazon has because it can waive sales tax collection. Competitors such as ailing Best Buy have said it's enough to hurt brick-and-mortar retailers. Amazon points to findings that in New York, the most populous state where it collects sales tax, sales have not fallen off. Soon we'll see if Texas tracks with that data as well. If it does, it will further validate opinions that Amazon and other on-line retailers are succeeding because they have fundamentally changed the way people shop, not because they can simply avoid sales taxes.

Also in the report look for updates on the FCC's options for the next spectrum auction, state and federal policymaking on search engines and social networking sites, and how priorities may change as the FCC migrates from the current Federal Universal Service Fund to its new more broadband-oriented Connect America Fund.

The telecom section of APR 2011 can be found here.

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Sales Taxes Aren't Killing Best Buy

A few weeks back, now-former Best Buy CEO Brian Dunn blamed the retailer's $1.7 billion quarterly loss and its decision to close 50 stores nationwide on the fact that its online competitors, Amazon.com in particular, "aren't encumbered by the costs of running physical locations and in many cases don't have to collect sales tax."

Dunn's comments rehash the now-familiar meme that forcing e-retailers to collect sales tax is the silver bullet to saving brick-and-mortar retailers. It gives politicians on all sides cover--for some, it's a way to keep revenues coming in for excessive spending. For others, it's a handy way to wave the flag for local commerce.

But slapping consumers with more taxes isn't going to save retailing. In a short piece this week, BusinessWeek explores the fundamental shifts online retailing has created in consumer behavior. Here's a nugget from the article:

Best Buy’s decline reflects a cultural shift that’s reshaping the retail world. All big-box stores, and Best Buy in particular, thrived in an era when comparison shopping meant physically going from store to store. The effort required of consumers was a kind of transactional friction. With the advent of mobile technology, friction has all but disappeared. Rather than ruminate with a salesperson before making a selection, tech-savvy consumers are more likely to walk into stores, eyeball products, scan barcodes with their smartphones, note cheaper prices online, and head for the exit. Shoppers can purchase virtually any product under the sun on Amazon or eBay while sipping a latte at Starbucks. For traditional retailers, that spells trouble, if not death. “So far nothing Best Buy is doing is fast enough or significant enough to get in front of these waves,” says Scot Wingo, CEO of e-commerce consulting firm ChannelAdvisor.

Certainly e-commerce created competitive problems for Best Buy, but the sales tax advantage e-commerce has was likely the least of them. Brick-and-mortar retailing is facing an out-and-out crisis that's going to require creativity and innovation to solve. Taxing consumers who buy online won't do much toward that end.

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Maryland Passes Unprecedented (and Unnecessary?) Digital Labor Law

Maryland legislators just passed an unprecedented digital labor law in Senate Bill 433. The bill would prevent employers from asking for passwords to websites such as Facebook and Twitter. While other states like California and Illinois are exploring similar legislation, Maryland appears likely to be the first to move. However despite its popularity, this legislation may not be necessary after all.

The bill has strong support from the legislature, passing unanimously in the Senate (44-0) and overwhelmingly in the House (128-10). If signed by Gov. Martin O’Malley, SB 433 would specifically prohibit Maryland employers from:

  • Requesting or requiring that an employee or applicant disclose any user name, password, or other means for accessing a personal account or service through specified electronic communications devices.;
  • Taking, or threatening to take, specified disciplinary actions for an employee’s refusal to disclose specified password and related information; and 
  • Downloading specified information or data.

Civil liberties advocates have praised SB 433 for it’s expansive scope and hope future provisions will include college students and athletes. Further, the bill will likely save the state a significant amount of money in legal fees and settlement costs. But was this legislation necessary?

On Friday March 23 Facebook’s Chief Privacy Officer Erin Egan issued a warning that Facebook may take action against employers who demand passwords, either through engaging or taking legal action. Egan explains that these demands violate Section 4, Part 8 of Facebook's Statement of Rights and Responsibilities, which reads: 

You will not share your password, (or in the case of developers, your secret key), let anyone else access your account, or do anything else that might jeopardize the security of your account.

By requesting a job applicant’s Facebook password, an employer is demanding the applicant violate Facebook’s terms of service, for which he or she could be civilly liable (and at minimum risk having his or her account terminated.) Beyond Facebook, any website concerned about this issue can incorporate similar language in their terms of service.

Having this type of language in the terms of service makes sense for websites. At first glance, one might assume this story only impacts a handful of job applicants in Maryland. In reality, Facebook has a vested interest in protecting its reputation and the goodwill of its hundreds of millions of users around the world. Social media is built on a foundation of trust whereby users voluntarily submit personal information—in a trusted environment—in exchange for similar information from other users. If one user’s account is compromised through coercion, then the foundation of trust will crumble.

Ironically, Kevin Rector of The Baltimore Sun reports SB 433 was inspired by the Maryland state Department of Public Safety and Correctional Services, who asked a job applicant to turn over his Facebook password during the application process. The department said the policy had been a factor in the denial of employment of seven out of 2,689 applicants over the course of a year. The department specifically sought use or presence of verified gang signs in applicant accounts, which would prove detrimental in a correctional environment. 

After the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) filed a complaint, the department made participation voluntary, however this did not meet the ACLU’s concerns. This led the legislature to take action. Rather than the legislature, Gov. O’Malley might have instead addressed this issue since the state is the employer that was responsible for violating Facebook’s terms of service. 

Federal policymakers are also seeking to get involved. U.S. Senators Richard Blumenthal and Charles Schumer recently called on the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) to launch a federal investigation into this issue. Their press release cites several federal laws and Supreme Court rulings, such as the Stored Communication Act, Computer Fraud and Abuse Act, Pietrylo v. Hillstone Restaurant Group, and Konop v. Hawaiin Airlines, Inc.

There are two market forces already at work solving this problem. First, applicants who view this requirement as onerous won’t apply to work at the businesses that impose it, and those businesses will suffer in the marketplace due to their lower competitiveness in attracting labor. Second and more importantly, Facebook and other websites ultimately have a strong incentive to take legal action to protect their users. Users will patronize websites that meet their needs, including privacy protection, and they will avoid websites that don’t.

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The Risks of Misapplied Privacy Regulation

Reason.org has just posted my commentary on the five reasons why Federal Trade Commission's proposals to regulate the collection and use of consumer information on the Web will do more harm than good.

As I note, the digital economy runs on information. Any regulations that impede the collection and processing of any information will affect its efficiency. Given the overall success of the Web and the popularity of search and social media, there's every reason to believe that consumers have been able to balance their demand for content, entertainment and information services with the privacy policies these services have.

But there's more to it than that. Technology simply doesn't lend itself to the top-down mandates. Notions of privacy are highly subjective. Online, there is an adaptive dynamic constantly at work. Certainly web sites have pushed the boundaries of privacy sometimes. But only when the boundaries are tested do we find out where the consensus lies.

Legislative and regulatory directives pre-empt experimentation. Consumer needs are best addressed when best practices are allowed to bubble up through trial-and-error. When the economic and functional development of European Web media, which labors under the sweeping top-down European Union Privacy Directive, is contrasted with the dynamism of the U.S. Web media sector which has been relatively free of privacy regulation - the difference is profound.

An analysis of the web advertising market undertaken by researchers at the University of Toronto found that after the Privacy Directive was passed, online advertising effectiveness decreased on average by around 65 percent in Europe relative to the rest of the world. Even when the researchers controlled for possible differences in ad responsiveness and between Europeans and Americans, this disparity manifested itself. The authors go on to conclude that these findings will have a "striking impact" on the $8 billion spent each year on digital advertising: namely that European sites will see far less ad revenue than counterparts outside Europe.

Other points I explore in the commentary are:

  • How free services go away and paywalls go up
  • How consumers push back when they perceive that their privacy is being violated
  • How Web advertising lives or dies by the willingness of consumers to participate
  • How greater information availability is a social good

The full commentary can be found here.

 

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Some Perspective on the Path Mini Technopanic

"Normal People Don't Care." That's how blogger Matt Roseff at Business Insider rather accurately sizes up the flap over the news that the Path smartphone social network app uploads address book information. The disclosure of course, immediately prompted outrage from Congress, which has decided that  Path, a company pretty much unknown as late as last week, is now the next great Internet privacy threat.

Roseff trunculantly mines the absurdity of this teacup techno-panic:

This whole Path thing follows the non-flap a couple weeks ago when Google changed its privacy policies, or rather formalized and consolidated a bunch of policies that were already in place. Microsoft in particular saw a great opportunity to cast aspersions on its rival and took out full-page newspaper ads talking about how its products would always respect your privacy because Microsoft doesn't make its money from advertising, or something.

Nobody ever seems to think through, realistically, what could actually happen with this supposedlyvaluable and sacred personal information that companies are collecting.

[Edit]

So let's do a thought experiment here.

Say you have a friend who uses Path. Path just uploaded his entire address book. It wasn't encrypted in transit, which means that some bad guy could have intercepted it. (Let's use our very active imaginations to imagine that there are bad guys like this, who sniff wires all day looking for address book information rather than, say, bank account numbers.)

So what are they going to do with that info?

"Well, come on," you sputter. "Now they know where I live!"

Gosh. If you own a house in most places in the U.S., anybody can go down to the county records office and not only find out where you live, but also how much you paid for your house and how much you sold it for 10 years later. It's a matter of public record.

Guess who else knows where you live:

  • Any company who employed you while you live where you live now.
  • Your bank -- who also knows how much money you spent last month and has a pretty good idea where you spent it.
  • Your credit card company -- who also knows what you bought and how much you paid.
  • Every magazine you've ever subscribed to, and every catalog and junk mail purveyor they've sold your address to.
  • The IRS, DMV, and any other government agency you're forced to interact with.
  • Your doctor, lawyer, accountant, dentist, plumber, electrician, and any other professional with whom you have a business relationship.
  • Your mom, who's about to pay you a surprise visit and stay for a whole month.

[Edit]

Unless you've taken extreme measures, your address is pretty close to public information already.

[Edit]

"OK, yeah, fine, but what about stalkers? This could help stalkers!"

If your stalker's somebody you used to know -- an ex-boyfriend, say -- they have lots of other ways of getting that information. Like asking a mutual friend. Or hiring a private investigator, who can probably find you in a few minutes by doing a skip trace.

If you're worried about complete strangers stalking you, you're either famous or criminal -- in which case it's time to get some security -- or hopelessly neurotic.

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Congress Reaches Compromise on Spectrum Auction

Congress has given the Federal Communcations Commission approval to auction television airwave licenses to wireless service providers, at last opening the way toward relief of growing congestion on current wireless systems.

The authorization was included in the final deal to extend payroll tax cuts.

The spectrum arrangement splits the difference on the goals of separate House and Senate bills. The Senate bill would have given the FCC a free hand to set a wide range of conditions for the auction, including the power to bar incumbents from bidding. The House would have restricted the commission to conducting a straight-up, open auction.

According to The Hill,

The bill largely preserves the FCC's authority to structure the spectrum auctions—a win for Democrats, who warned that tying the FCC's hands would allow AT&T and Verizon, the largest carriers, to buy up all of the airwave licenses.

Republicans had argued that Congress should prohibit the FCC from picking winners and losers in the auctions. As a compromise, the bill bars the FCC from excluding any one company from bidding, but allows the agency to set conditions to promote a competitive marketplace.

Although almost all parties are praising the compromise, simply because the spectrum is so badly needed, users should be concerned. The current FCC has a taste for managing outcomes and has made no secret of its desire to "incentivize" competition by tilting the auctions in favor of undercaptilized, but politically favored companies.

Perhaps it's fortunate then that the Congressional deal comes just a day after the FCC pulled the plug on Lightsquared's experimental 4G network because of its interference with GPS signals. Lightsquared was just the sort of "competition" FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski aimed to encourage through policy manipulation. Genachowski insisted on rushing a spectrum waiver throughon Lightsquared's behalf before the interference issues were thoroughly examined. Wishful thinking was no match for the laws of math and physics, which at the end of the day, the FCC was forced to yield to. Here's hoping that this humbling experience is remembered come auction time.

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Misunderstanding 'Opt Out'

It's gratifying to see some logic being used to attack the techno-panic about Google's new privacy policy. It seems the biggest complaint is that there is no opt-out. If you want to use Google's services, you have to agree to its privacy policy, which will allow it to consolidate the information it gathers about you across its 60-odd platforms. This in turn helps it target advertising--the way Google supports all those free services--at users who will most likely respond to it.

Still, this seems to rankle people, including a bunch of Congressmen who this week sent Google a nasty letter demanding there be some kind of opt-out.

Now you can opt-out by choosing not use Google's personalized services, like its calendar and email, and simply visit YouTube and use Google Maps anonymously, that is, without using any Google log-in. Of course you forfeit some value and functionality in doing so, but that's the trade off. This also rankles people, including a the same Congressmen who this week sent Google that nasty letter.

To be momentarily charitable, it's possible that this knee-jerk reaction stems from the fact that there are certain aspects of Internet services you can opt out from, such as allowing web sites provide your email address provided to third parties. But when the grand scheme of business relationships is considered, these specific opt-outs are exceptions. Most of the time, there are some binding stipulations when you agree to use any tangible or virtual service.

A good example is non-smoking rooms at hotels. When you request a no smoking room, even if you're a smoker, the hotel's guest policy requires you to abstain from smoking in your room or face a hefty cleaning fee. You can't request the non-smoking room and "opt out" of the condition  to pay a cleaning fee if you smoke.

Note the smoker is not turned away into the night. What the smoker must settle for, however, is a room where the carpet doesn't smell as fresh and the upholstery isn't as clean. To complain that this is an inconvenience doesn't get much sympathy, much less an obnoxious letter from Congress.

For more on the absurdity of the Google outcry, see this video at Technology Liberation Front that came by way of Forbes.

 

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Freedom of Speech on the Internet is the 'Paramount Concern'

More thoughts on the unintentional consequences of the SOPA and PIPA, and the significance of their defeat, from former Sen. Ted Kaufman. Full version at the The Cagle Post.

Initially, concern about Internet counterfeiting and piracy looked like just another battle about money, with Hollywood studios, the recording industry, and book publishers on one side and Google, Facebook, and most of Silicon Valley on the other. This kind of thing happens all the time, not just in Washington but in state capitols and local councils. The moneyed interests line up on both sides, and employ well-paid advocates to argue their cases. Buckets of money go to the winners, but seldom do average people who will be affected by the results get a chance to exert much influence....

What became evident was that this was not just a battle over money. It was most profoundly about freedom of speech.

It has always amazed me how we Americans take freedom of speech for granted. I spent thirteen years on the Broadcasting Board of Governors, appointed by Presidents Clinton and Bush, The Board oversees all non-military U.S. government broadcasting abroad, including the Voice of America.

I saw time and again how governments around the world frustrate freedom of speech and freedom of the press. There are still countries that throw dissidents in jail and close media outlets. But more often, governments use more nuanced methods.

They enact laws to define who can be a journalist and what constitutes libel, and control what is permitted on the Internet.

The existing SOPA and PIPA bills would have made it easy for businesses to limit speech with no prior notice or judicial hearing. They could have shut down websites by filing a notice alleging the site was "dedicated to the theft of U.S. property." Perhaps some web pages should be closed, but this is a very slippery slope. Maintaining real freedom of speech on the Internet must be our paramount concern.

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The Battle Over Spectrum Intensifies

The bureaucrats at the Federal Communications Commission are set to make their play at picking wireless winners and losers, aiming to get Congressional approval to set conditions for winning bidders of the next round of spectrum auctions.

Unlike previous auctions, which involved largely unused frequency bands, this time the FCC must re-allocate portions of the 700 MHz spectrum currently in the hands of broadcasters. The FCC needs Congressional approval to move forward with a plan to transfer those licenses.

While the Senate and House both have no problem with the transfer itself, the FCC has won key allies in the Senate, including Sen. John Kerry, in an effort to win more expansive power in setting auction rules, mostly to favor bidders who pledge to honor pet ideas of the progressive Left, like network neutrality. The House, on the other hand, simply wants the FCC to do its circumscribed job of spectrum allocation and brooks no such central planning adventures.

Here's how The Hill sums it up:

The proposed law would authorize the FCC to auction airwaves, or spectrum, that currently belong to television broadcasters, splitting some of the revenue with the stations that choose to participate. The spectrum is potentially worth billions of dollars to wireless carriers, which are struggling to meet the growing data demands of smartphones and tablet computers.

The House GOP version of the legislation would restrict the FCC's ability to impose conditions on the companies that buy the spectrum and would prohibit the FCC from designating the spectrum it reclaims from broadcasters for unlicensed use. Unlicensed spectrum, which can be used by any company for free, powers technologies such as WiFi, garage-door openers and remote controls.

All the concern for the unlicensed aspect in this auction (such as today's forum) is a feint in the direction of public interest arguments. There's no spectrum crunch for home WiFi and garage doors. The FCC, rather, is looking for a back door way to impose network neutrality on wireless service. Net Neutrality, while a great theory, is unworkable in practice, especially in 4G wireless, which this round of spectrum will support. It is even arguable that 4G wireless technology itself is a network neutrality violation, because of the sophisticated way it can adjust bandwidth and throughput based on second-to-second capacity demands.

What's disingenuous about making special rules for bidders who "promise" to follow politically favored technology models is that, in the end, engineering and physics trump bureaucratic vanity. If the FCC gets the power to set technology conditions, within a year or two the "winners" will be back asking for "exemptions." The consumer harm is that companies that know how wireless networks should be properly engineered will be hobbled at the expense of companies who only know how to tell the current regulators what they want to hear. Can you say Solyndra?

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Muni Broadband: The Idea that Won't Die

The state of Georgia is looking to stop further development of taxpayer funded broadband projects with a new bill that would require cities to solicit commercial service providers and hold a special election before creating a city-owned cable-phone and Internet service operation.

According to Government Technology:

This bill [SB 313], sponsored by Senate Majority Leader Chip Rogers, R-Woodstock, would also mandate that local governments not pay for a community broadband system using tax revenue or any other revenue attained through a government service. Municipalities would also be prohibited from raising taxes or fees levied on private broadband providers to cover the costs of a public network.

“This bill will allow for robust competition in the communication marketplace and encourage continued economic growth throughout our state,” said Rogers in a statement. “By extending our long-standing commitment to policies that encourage private investment and market-driven competition, we are putting the needs of our citizens above those of government.”

It's not surprising to see Georgia moving in the direction. Many states, includign Pennsylvania and North Carolina, already have. That's because state legislators have watched how cities, for which the state is ultimate loan guarantor, sink loads of borrowed funds into these projects only to have them fail to pan out. What is surprising is that it took this long. Georgia is home to the nation's biggest municipal broadband debacle, in Dalton, Ga., which lost $171 million, or $5,320 per capita, on an ill-fated plan to build it's own cable system. Newnan and Marietta, Ga., also made the top 10 list of muni failures, costing taxpayers in those cities $48.1 million and 25.9 million, respectively.

 

 

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Google Tests the Privacy Paradox

This week Google announced that it is grouping 60 of its Web services, such as Gmail, the Google+ social network, YouTube and Google Calendar, under a single privacy policy that would allow the company to share user data between any of those services. These changes will be effective March 1.

Although we have yet to see it play out in practice, this likely means that if you use Google services, the videos you play on YouTube may automatically be posted to your Google+ page. If you've logged an appointment in your Google calendar, Google may correlate the appointment time with your current location and local traffic conditions and send you an email advising you that you risk being late.

At the same time, if you've called in sick with the intention of going fishing, that visit to the nearby state park might show up your Google+ page, too.

The policy, however, will not include Google's search engine, Google's Chrome web browser, Google Wallet or Google Books.

The decision quickly touched off discussion as to whether Google was pushing the collection and manipulation too far. The Federal Trade Commission is already on its back over data sharing and web tracking. With this latest decision, although it's not that far from how Facebook, Hotmail and Foursquare work, just more streamlined, Google, some say, is all but flouting user and regulatory concerns.

But let's not rush to condemn this move. I, for one, want to see what happens because Google is boldly putting the privacy paradox to the test.

Going by my own Google search, the term "privacy paradox" has been kicked around for almost ten years. Boiled down, it describes the repeated finding that while individuals express a high degree of concern for privacy protection online, few, in practice, take advantage of privacy safeguards when they are offered.

This apparent contradictory behavior has been noted in a number of studies, including a noted 2007 paper in the Journal of Consumer Affairs.  A 2005 Pew Internet Study, cited at the time by Forbes, found that that 54 percent believe that Web sites invade their privacy when they track behavior. But the same study showed that 64 percent were willing to give up personal information to get access to a Web site.

In the marketplace, when search engines like Google began facing vocal pushback from users and regulators on its tracking of user search histories, one of Google's competitors, Ask.com, tried to differentiate itself by unveiling AskEraser. Just like it sounds, the tool allows users to opt out of search tracking. As Forbes reported, users shrugged and AskEraser did nothing for Ask's market share, while Google's continued to grow.

Contrary to the first hysterical media reports, Google is not recording your whole digital life. There indeed is an opt-out: you don't have to be part of the Google service ecosystem, which is far from the only game in town. Remember, browsing and search are outside this program. Everything else is available from other sources. Moreover, data is only shared if you're logged in under your Google username. Otherwise you can look at all the YouTube videos and Google maps you want without anyone being the wiser.

I'll admit the biggest outcry may come over the policy with regard to Android phones. Since you're technically logged into your phone all the time, it seems tougher to opt out. But there are other devices aside from Android, even from Verizon, so consumer will have alternatives without having to change service providers. Nonetheless, given the popularity of the combination of mobility and social networking, seen not only in Google and Facebook, but in Twitter, Yelp! and Foursquare, it is arguable that a majority of users are not as concerned about their privacy as advocates of more restrictive regulations believe.   

And arguable is the operative word. There indeed may be enough significant user backlash that Google backs off. In the last six months we've seen at least two instances of rapid market correction--Netflix's decision not to go through with structurally separating mail and online video rental accounts and Bank of America's reversal of its plan to charge online banking fees. Both occurred before the government could step in a provide its own (and no doubt clumsy) remedy.

Then again, there's a significant body of research that suggests that, in spite of their own complaints, users may opt to accept greater benefits and convenience in exchange for more disclosure about their habits. With this mind, it will serve consumers best if companies like Google are allowed to experiment with the privacy paradox to find where actual boundaries are, rather than hamstringing potential innovation by pre-emptively and blindly setting them.

 

 

 

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Is the Cost of Internet Piracy Overhyped?

"Any other musicians notice that ever since they shut down MegaUpload, the money has just been POURING in?"

So tweeted independent songwriter and recording artist Jonathan Coulton yesterday, in what might be the most succinct challenge to the federal government's claim that Megaupload.com, the file sharing service facing federal charges of intentionally pirating content, has cost singers, actors, writers and producers $500 million in lost revenues and royalties.

Coulton's comment, which was followed by a more in-depth blog, both spotlighted at TechDirt, contributed to the ongoing debate over the accuracy of the half-billion-dollar number. In addition to the due process concerns raised by the government's abrupt shutdown of the Megaupload site, more and more commentators are challenging industry assertions about the amount of losses piracy creates. Actor Wil Wheaton, for example, said Hollywood loses more money through "creative accounting" than it does through piracy.

Coulton himself, who does not have a label but sells recordings via the Web, believes the cost of piracy is overstated:

Is it really as dire as all that? It's an emergency is it? Tim (O'Reilly) points out that he and a lot of other content creators have been happily coexisting with piracy all this time, and I'm certainly one of them. Make good stuff, then make it easy for people to buy it. There's your anti-piracy plan [emphasis Coulton's]. The big content companies are TERRIBLE at doing both of these things, so it's no wonder they're not doing so well in the current environment. And right now everyone's fighting to control distribution channels, which is why I can't watch Star Wars on Netflix or iTunes. It's fine if you want to have that fight, but don't yell and scream about how you're losing business to piracy when your stuff isn't even available in the box I have on top of my TV. A lot of us have figured out how to do this.

So if you can stand me sounding a little crazy, listen: where is the proof that piracy causes economic harm to anyone? Looking at the music business, yes profits have gone down ever since Napster, but has anyone effectively demonstrated the causal link between that and piracy? There are many alternate theories (people buying songs and not whole albums, music sucking more, niches and indie acts becoming more viable, etc.). The Swiss government did a study and determined that unauthorized downloading (which 1/3 of their citizens do) does not create any loss in revenue for the entertainment industry.

Elsewhere, the Cato Institute's Julian Sanchez also questions whether the true economic cost of piracy warrants such an overbearing legislative response.

...I remain a bit amazed that it’s become an indisputable premise in Washington that there’s an enormous piracy problem, that it’s having a devastating  impact on U.S. content industries, and that some kind of aggressive new legislation is needed tout suite to stanch the bleeding. Despite the fact that the Government Accountability Office recently concluded that it is “difficult, if not impossible, to quantify the net effect of counterfeiting and piracy on the economy as a whole,” our legislative class has somehow determined that—among all the dire challenges now facing the United States—this is an urgent priority. Obviously, there’s quite a lot of copyrighted material circulating on the Internet without authorization, and other things equal, one would like to see less of it. But does the best available evidence show that this is inflicting such catastrophic economic harm—that it is depressing so much output, and destroying so many jobs—that Congress has no option but to Do Something immediately? Bearing the GAO’s warning in mind, the data we do have doesn’t remotely seem to justify the DEFCON One rhetoric that now appears to be obligatory on the Hill.

No one is saying copyright and intellectual property shouldn't be protected. However, a time out may be in order. The two bills designed to combat Internet piracy, Protect Intellectual Property Online Act (PIPA) and the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) are sweeping and may constitute the use of a bazooka to kill if not a fly, maybe a very large cockroach. 

 

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Supreme Court Rules Police Need a Warrant to Track Your Car

10-1259 United States v. Jones (01/23/2012)

In a major step toward defending constitutional rights and due process in an age of high-tech surveillance, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously found that police require a search warrant to place a tracking device on a suspect's vehicle.

In doing so, the high court overturned the conviction of Washington, D.C nightclub owner Antoine Jones on charges of conspiracy to sell drugs. To convict Jones, prosecutors used as evidence information from a GPS tracker that had been attached to Jones' SUV. Although the Washington, D.C. police had obtained a search warrant for the device, officers did not execute the warrant until the day after it had expired. They also placed the device on the vehicle when it was in Maryland, outside the D.C. jurisdiction of the warrant. Jones' attorneys appealed his conviction to the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals on Fourth Amendment grounds against illegal search and seizure. Prosecutors, supported by the Obama administration, argued that the search warrant, however improperly executed, was unnecessary to begin with because GPS tracking was not a search as defined by the Bill of Rights. The Appeals Court disagreed and the Supreme Court today upheld the ruling.

The decision will stand as a watershed moment in the application of Fourth Amendment guarantees in an era where police--from local precincts up to the FBI--have a bevy of intrusive electronic tools at their disposal. Although the decision pertained to electronic surveillance, the Opinion of the Court, written by Justice Antonin Scalia, notably rested on brick-and-mortar aspects, primarily that police trespassed on private property to execute the warrant.

Still, by the court's own admission, the ruling doesn't cover the use of technologies that do not require law enforcement to set foot or otherwise tamper with a suspect's property. These can range from location tracking via automatic highway toll payment systems to the use of thermal and infrared cameras, which can "see" in the dark, and sophisticated radio imaging devices, which, although still in prototype, have the potential to see through walls.  

However, the Supreme Court, as it often does, used this case as an opportunity to set up a framework for future cases that might tackle these greater issues. It chose to say that the "no reasonable expectation of privacy" test that has been used in other Fourth Amendment cases, including Katz v. United States, to allow the use information obtained from a suspect's behavior in public--as well as the use of information if it has been transferred to a third party--did not apply in this case. Even so, the opinion seemed to go out of its way to note that "expectation of privacy" claim was intended to augment, not diminish or replace, citizens' rights against search and seizure as laid down in the Fourth Amendment. It subtly reclaims "expectation of privacy" as touchstone for defendants and makes it less of an escape clause for government snooping.

This could have ramifications should a case involving a warrantless seizure of electronic data from cloud-based third-party storage services, such as Carbonite and Dropbox, come before the Supreme Court. Here again, then, the opinion chose to quote from Katz, reminding us that "the Fourth Amendment protects people, not places."

 

 

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The Virtual Jackboot

Americans got a preview of what life would be like under the U.S. Senate's Protect Intellectual Property Act (PIPA) when the Department of Justice and the FBI yesterday shut down Megaupload.com and arrested its founder and six other executives on charges of illegally sharing copyrighted material.

The move comes in the middle of a vociferous debate on PIPA and its House counterpart, the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA) and provides more fuel for opponents who argue that the bills threaten to undermine legal, legitimate mechanisms that are integral to the Internet technological and social utility (See my commentary posted yesterday afternoon).

PIPA supporters have argued that worries about Internet censorship and user disruption are exaggerated and the bill's real goal is to target shadowy "rogue" sites that deal in counterfeit merchandise and pirated video downloads. Yesterday we found out just who the Feds thinks these rogue sites are.

Megaupload.com is a major commercial file-sharing site used by millions of consumers and businesses in the course of daily business. Users park large files that can then be shared among friends, family or professional workgroups. It competes directly with other such services such as Dropbox and RapidUpload. Megaupload claims to have about 50 million daily visits and even DoJ notes that at one point it was estimated to be the 13th most frequently visited site on the Internet.

Can infringing material be found on Megaupload? No doubt it can. But infringing material can also be found on YouTube and just about every other file-sharing site. The courts have held that these sites are not liable for infringement as long as they honor cease and desist notices to take down offending content.

The DoJ's indictment rests on the claim that Megaupload.com first and foremost was in the business of piracy. The seven executives arrested yesterday (a group that did not include the company's CEO, Swizz Beatz, the husband of singer Alicia Keyes) are being charged with racketeering. The indictment claims that Megaupload.com robbed artists, musicians and authors of $500 million, and that the site is actually a front for a worldwide conspiracy.

These charges might yet be true, but the supposition shouldn't trump due process. That it did brings the precise concerns of PIPA and SOPA critics into high relief. In addition to the arrest, the Feds have forced Megaupload.com to shut down, essentially seizing not only private property of Megaupload, but the documents, photos, videos and artwork of millions of legitimate users--some of it crucial to their livelihoods--on what amounts to a thin pretext that could be applied to any file-sharing site. Anonymous, the loosely knit "hacktivist" group, made its feelings known with its retaliatory DDoS attacks on DoJ, FBI, MPAA and RIAA sites yesterday, but I think there's more blowback to come. A significant number of average Americans lost time, money and digital property yesterday in what they perceive as a massive overreach by a DoJ that is already under fire for its blundering tactics (Fast and Furious, the Black Friday poker site shutdowns). I'll bet the phones were ringing off the hook in many Congressional offices this morning.

Moreover, the charges may not stick. By all accounts, Megaupload is gearing up for a fight. As its lead attorney notes, case law, including the YouTube decision, favors the company. Plus there's the fact there are no copyright judgments currently against it. It reportedly has also been working to iron out copyright issues with rightsholders, and has garnered support from a cross-section of artists and performers--the very community that the government alleges Megaupload has been ripping off. But even it wins, it might be a Phyrric victory, because by the time the legal dust settles, Megaupload may well be out of business. Elsewhere, Dropbox and RapidUpload execs must be sweating.

The takeaway from all this is that SOPA and PIPA will codify these DoJ tactics. And with the Megaupload siezure sitting out there as Exhibit A, no one can take the Feds at their word that they will exercise any restraint or discretion in their definition of a "rogue" site.  

The best hope is that Megaupload turns out to be the egg that make the omelet. The good news out of this week of contentious debate is that is that Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid has pulled the Tuesday PIPA vote from the floor calendar. In the lower chamber, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Lamar Smith said his panel won't take up "there is wider agreement on a solution."

Looks like the good guys might just win one.

Here's Mike Riggs take on Reason.com's Hit and Run.

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Will the Web Make NC-17 Safe for Marketing?

One of the more critically praised films this year has been Shame, which has been in limited release around the country since December.  Although it’s an independent production, the film is being distributed by 20th Century Fox, a major studio, and stars Michael Fassbender, an actor who appears to be in the middle of his breakout moment.

The film is also rated NC-17.

Until recently, the Motion Picture Association of America’s NC-17 rating, which restricts admission to theatergoers 18 and older, was the box office kiss of death. Not only did NC-17 carry the notoriety of its predecessor, the X rating, it seriously hampered a film’s marketing. Boys Don’t Cry, The Cooler and Clerks are among the well-known examples of acclaimed films that were cut to win the more commercially acceptable R rating, in spite of protest from their filmmakers and actors that the cuts diminished the power and the point of the scenes in question.

But most newspapers and local TV stations won’t carry ads for NC-17 movies. Some theater chains, such as Cinemark, won't exhibit them. Major retailers like Wal-Mart nor video rental chains like Blockbuster won’t stock NC-17-rated DVDs.

In Hollywood, art and commerce have always been in tense balance. That balance may shifting as the Web becomes a larger factor in advertising. For example, a newspaper’s policy against advertising NC-17 movies is meaningless if a theater chain no longer uses newspaper advertising at all. AMC, the second biggest chain in the country, has been cutting back on print advertising since 2009. Last June, the company documented its shift from print to Web in a quarterly filing with the SEC. Regal Entertainment Group, another chain, reportedly is following suit.

Meanwhile, consumers are buying and renting fewer DVDs from brick-and-mortar outfits, choosing to buy or rent online or simply watch on demand. Netflix, for example, makes Lust, Caution, a 2007 NC-17 feature directed by Academy Award winner Ang Lee, available both by mail and streaming.  

Film promotion and advertising is a great example of the way the Web has become a significant marketing vehicle. Shame, albeit a grim, downbeat story of a sex addict and his troubled sister, not only opened to favorable reviews, it had one of the most impressive box office debuts for an NC-17 movie, averaging $36,118 per screen in a tight release in ten theaters in six cities the weekend of Dec. 2-4. By comparison, that weekend’s box office leader, Twilight Saga: Breaking Dawn Part 1, averaged just $4,087 per screen. The Muppets, second place in total gross, averaged $3,222.

Now in wider release, Shame has made $2 million as of Jan. 3, and currently ranks eighth among the 26 NC-17 films released since 1990.

As for Web-based marketing, Shame has its own site at FoxSearchlight.com. Shame has a fan page on Facebook. "Shame" delivers several movie-related links on the first page of a Google search, pretty impressive when you consider the title is a fairly common keyword (somewhere John Bradshaw’s eating his heart out).

You can find trailers for Shame at iTunes and Internet Movie Database (imdb.com), both mainstream sites for film previews. You don’t have to look too hard to find the “red band” trailer, which is played in theaters only in front of R-rated movies. Studios and exhibitors also can reach audiences through sites like Yahoo and Flixster, as well as through social networking, email and Twitter. These alternatives counter the limitations of advertising policies of old media.

They also decrease the clout of the MPAA Ratings Board, which has been accused of ratings bias against smaller, independent features aimed at adult audiences. Probably the best evidence of this is presented in the documentary This Film is Not Been Rated. Well aware that an NC-17 rating can kill a film at the box office, the ratings board has not been adverse to using it as a club to tone down films which its members subjectively find either morally or tastefully questionable.

While the shortcomings of the MPAA’s rating system have been discussed at length in many forums, I’ve always thought the most unfortunate aspect was that the MPAA never tried to counter the stigma of NC-17 as meaning “dirty movie.” Unlike the Electronic Software Association, which devised the MA rating for video games while successfully communicating that the market can—and should—accommodate products designed exclusively for adults, the MPAA never tried to engage the media outlets, retailers and video rental companies that openly equated NC-17 with porn.
 
That Web-based marketing can chip away at this perception will prove much better for audiences and filmmakers. Most NC-17 movies are not aimed at mainstream moviegoers anyway. If Shame continues to find its audience—and draws more attention in the form of several Academy Award nominations, which many critics believe it will—studios may be less inclined to make compromising cuts on the MPAA’s whim out of fear of losing box office revenues. And this means a little more weight on the “art” side of art-commerce balance.

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Magical Thinking Triumphs at the FCC

While shoppers were hitting the malls Friday--a fair percentage of them no doubt evaluating the many choices of wireless smartphones and service plans available--AT&T said it was withdrawing its FCC application to merge with T-Mobile.

AT&T's move was in response to FCC Chairman Julius Genachowski's decision to refer the merger to an administrative law judge, coupled with a statement that he remains opposed to the $39 billion merger

Many analysts see this as the beginning of the unraveling of the acquisition. Although AT&T said it plans to defend the deal in court against a Department of Justice antitrust suit, the company has taken accounting steps that signal it is prepared to pay Deutsche Telekom, T-Mobile's current parent, the $4 billion it pledged if it could not close the purchase by September 2012.

"The fat lady hasn't sung yet," said Craig Moffett, an investment analyst for Sanford C. Bernstein, as quoted by the Washington Post's Cecilia Kang. "But she has taken the stage. And the band has begun to play."

By itself, Genachowski's move is a tremendous exercise of executive power, as an ALJ hearing would only occur if AT&T wins its suit with the DoJ or settles it satisfactorily. In essence, the FCC is attempting to craft an ad hoc court of appeals in order to abrogate a separate judicial ruling.

Genachowski says he opposes the merger because it will lead to higher prices for consumers, less innovation, less investment and fewer U.S. jobs, assertions that are all questionable. What Genachowski really thinks, as spelled out when the merger was first announced, is that there should be four national wireless network services providers in the U.S. (Cue Monty Python: Four, not three, not five, but four!), as it were some golden number.

This is technocratic thinking at its worst. Although over the course of his term Genachowski has correctly identified the pressing problems of spectrum shortages and rural broadband build-out, he believes telecom policy begins with enforcing what he sees as a "correct" number of wireless carriers. And while the FCC likes to point to market concentration metrics, including the highly dubious HHI scale, much of the commission's analysis (as does the DoJ's) relies on narrow definitions that exclude legitimate regional competitors and acrobatic number-crunching.  All of these can be answered with equally, if not more significant numbers, much of it from the FCC's own research.

What Genachowski and other fans of central economic planning overlook is that no matter what happens with AT&T, T-Mobile is going away. Deutsche Telekom doesn't want it. It is losing customers and lacks the capital to invest.

Business analysts say a cable company or non-U.S.-based service provider like America Movil might step up, but as I've argued before, many of the same FCC objections would still hold. Now that the FCC has pressed ahead with its opposition, approval of any future T-Mobile buyer will appear arbitrary.

In the short term, the real impact of the FCC's intransigence will be felt by the millions of wireless customers who are beginning to experience service degradation because of the spectrum crunch. The AT&T-T-Mobile merger was a market-driven response to that problem, as it would have combined the spectrum owned by each company, opening more channels to customers of both companies. It's curious as to why the FCC, which acknowledges the spectrum shortage as well as its own dilemmas in addressing it, would short circuit a workable path toward some relief.

But you can always count on the magical thinking of government central planning to trump basic mathematics. According to Peter Rysavy, a wireless engineering consultant who spoke at on a spectrum policy panel at the DCWeek conference earlier this month, there is 10 MHz available per cell in a wireless downlink. 1 MHz of bandwidth can support about 1.4 Mb/s, he said, which means each cell can support only about 10 to 15 YouTube video streams at one time. This is why wireless data service often times out even in the middle of a big city. It's only going to get worse as wireless data use increases.

It is ironic that the FCC, along with the consumer groups who have lined up against the merger, generally frown on the idea of bandwidth caps or throttling (indeed, consumers don't like the either). But if the regulators are bent on preventing the market from fashioning solutions, while they themselves drag their feet on spectrum availability, restrictive pricing models are inevitable.

The FCC, in forcing AT&T's retreat, virtually guarantees to bring about that which it wants to prevent-higher prices, poor service and reduced investment.

 

 

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How Players Police Online Gambling

The big news in online gambling circles these past two weeks has been the busting of BLR Technologies, a software supplier for a number of online gambling sites, after a leading gaming mathematician determined the variance against winning at its craps game was statistically off the charts.

While most online gambling sites host honest games, there's bound to be some bad apples. What's often overlooked is that there is a market-enforced structure that militates against suspect play or outright cheating. That was clearly at work here.

The finding already has led at least one online casino, 5Dimes, to remove the BLR software from its site. That the news circulated the online gambling community as quickly as it did, and led to immediate action from a major online casino group, testifies to the knowledge and power of online gamblers. Of course, the image of informed players backed by mathematical and statistical experts contrasts with the views of government policymakers, who tend to treat online gamblers as gullible knuckleheads who need to be protected from unscrupulous gambling predators, predominantly through bans. This misconception is worth keeping in mind as a Congressional panel convenes this week to revisit federal laws against online gambling.

In the BLR case, Michael Shackleford, whose Wizard of Odds website takes an in-depth mathematical approach to all manner of gaming probabilities, strategies and odds, personally tested the software after a reader complained that he had won only 25 percent of 3,200 "pass" or "don't pass" bets made.

In craps, the bettor wins a pass bet by rolling a 7 or 11 on the initial, or "come-out," roll. He loses immediately on a 2, 3 or 12. Rolling a 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 or 10 establishes a "point." After this, in order to win, the player must roll the point before rolling another 7. A "don't pass" bet works exactly the opposite.

In a Nov. 2 blog post, Shackleford said he first dismissed the complaint. Then, after reviewing videos the reader posted on YouTube, Shackleford decided to conduct his own series of trials, which confirmed the anomaly.

For example, the probability of rolling a 7 or 11 on a come-out roll is 22.2 percent. In the 328 bets Shackleford made, his expectation was about 73 come-out wins. His actual result with the BLR software was 33. Wins by successfully rolling an established point were not just below expectation, but statistical outliers. By Shackleford's calculations, the odds of his overall result--a 24.7 percent win rate against an expectation of 49.29 percent--was 1 in 6 billion. Putting this in layman's perspective, he said, "it would be 184 times easier to win the Powerball [lottery] 2 out of 2 times than to be as unlucky as I was in this craps game."

Shackleford's test was repeated by mathematician and gaming software consultant Eliot Jacobson, who also experienced the same extreme improbabilities. While Shackleford simply cautioned players against sites using the BLR software, Jacobson went as far to call the software "rigged."

As the House panel gathers this week to evaluate the pros and cons of online gambling, members should be aware that most online gamblers are smart, responsible and sensible when it comes to playing. They are also very good at sniffing out suspicious sites, verifying whether real problems exist, and exposing them when they do. The online gambling ban, effectively managed through intrusive regulation of international financial transactions, was a mistake to begin with and deprives law-abiding Americans from using the Internet to engage in a recreational activity legal, in some form or another, in a majority of states. The busting of BLR is simply another reason to end the nannying over online wagering.

 

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The Stress of Commuting: Transit vs. Cars

A very interesting study on commuting and public health was recently released in Sweden. While the generalizability of findings from a study of a relatively homogeneous population is always a bit suspect, the fact this analysis includes the results from 21,000 commuters in a densely populated part of southern Sweden with a wide range of commuting modes available make it worth perusing. (Notably, 71 percent of the commuters travel by primarily by automobile, and the number of cross-border commuters (to Denmark) has risen dramatically in recent years.)

In "Relationship Between Commuting and Health Outcomes in a Cross-Sectional Population Survey in Southern Sweden," Erik Hansson and his coauthors found that the relationship between commuting and personal health effects is complex but significant. In general, the longer the commute, the lower the reported health outcomes as measured by sleep quality, stress levels, mental health, absentee days due to sickness and other indicators. No surprise there, at least intuitively.

But, here's the interesting part: Health indicators consistently deteriorated for public transport commuters as commuting time when up, but not for car commuters. The relationship was concave downward for car commuters where health indicators deteriorated until around 60 minutes (for a daily commute), and then improved for the longest commutes (see the discussion on pages 14-17 of the full study). Car commuters in the longer time cohort tended to have better paying jobs, more control over their work environment (managers), live in rural ("green") areas, and work more overtime. While the specific reasons for the lower levels of stress and health were not clearly identifiable, the researchers speculate that those with longer commutes probably spend a fair amount of time in relatively uncongested rural parts of the county. They are probably also happy with their trade-off of higher pay with the ability to live in a rural setting. Public transit riders may experience lower public outcomes because trains and buses often can be stressful as commuters wrestle with potential delays, making connections, transfers, and keeping track of stops. "Active commuters" (walkers and bicyclists) had the best health outcomes, and all reported daily commutes of less than 30 minutes.

The results are intriguing. In particular, similar work in the U.S. would be useful if it can highlight the kinds of trade-offs implicit in housing and commute choices. If people are voluntarily choosing longer commutes for perceived benefits from superior living environments, then maybe we should be spending less time focusing on the length of commuting in terms of distance and more time on reducing congestion.

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Rethinking Telecom Regulation from the Ground Up

Has the digital economy reached a point where all ex ante regulations should be discarded?

Three top free-market policy experts think so. The need for a uniform ex post approach to overseeing the Internet sector as a whole was the rough consensus of yesterday's panel, A New Framework the FCC, sponsored in Washington by The Mercatus Center of George Mason University.

For those not versed in legalese, or were absent the day their Latin class covered prepositions, ex ante regulations are generally prophylactic-they address harms that regulators speculate might emerge from a given course of market action. Conversely, ex post regulation comes in response to a situation where actual harms can be alleged. Network neutrality, being debated again this week on Capitol Hill, is an example of ex ante regulation because it would place restraints on how carriers can manage their networks purely as a precaution against potential abuse.

The Department of Justice's lawsuit to stop the merger of AT&T and T-Mobile, on the other hand, serves to illustrate ex post regulation.

As a jumping off point, the panel used a paper by economist and GMU law professor Jeffrey Eisenach that explored theories of broadband competition. The paper, published in June, challenges the "edge-core" model of the Internet ecosystem, offering instead a more inclusive (and accurate) platform of four "perfect complements:" communications, applications, content and devices. "Take any one out and you don't have [an Internet] product," Eisenach said.

Each one of the four segments has its own group of competitors, as well as a degree of overlap with those in other segments, Eisenach said, yet of the four, only communications is regulated differently-largely with ex ante rules. This needs to change if the digital economy is to reach its fullest potential, he said.

Using this reasoning, Eisenach, along with the other two panel members--Ray Gifford, former chairman of the Colorado Public Utilities Commission, and Georgetown law professor Howard Shelanski, former chief economist for the FCC--said the best reform would move communications companies toward a regime of ex post regulation, in line with the way the government treats most of the other sectors of the economy, including Internet content, applications and devices.

Still, the panel cited some potential dangers, including how aggressive at any given time, U.S might be in antitrust enforcement. Shelanski pointed to the Federal Trade Commission's current antitrust investigation of Google, and the agency's recent statements about Twitter, as troublesome, especially as the FTC has been less inclined to apply a consumer harm test.

Gifford, however, did say that in an ex post regime such as antitrust, there tends to be a greater degree of honesty about what can be known about markets.

There's something to be said for this. Returning to network neutrality, the theory of which hinges on accepting that the outmoded edge-core model still applies, and we see the debate has gone completely off-base. The idea that carrier networks can, let alone should, be prohibited from incorporating any management or QoS functions on data is ludicrous given what applications developers want the network to do. Yet the misperception exists, most recently voiced by Sen. Al Franken, that some Eden-like era of network neutrality once existed and needs to be preserved in order to safeguard innovation.

Compare this to the discussion around the AT&T-T-Mobile suit, where the debate centers on market concentration and spectrum availability. No matter which way you come down on the merger, these are the right questions to consider.

 

 

 

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Twilight of the "Tech Liberal?"

Is Silicon Valley souring on Barack Obama? Recent days have seen Eric Schmidt, CEO of Google, who, along with founders Sergey Brin and Larry Page, lent prominent support to Obama's 2008 presidential campaign, decry the aggressive regulatory bent the White House has taken.

"So we get hauled in front of the Congress for developing a product that's free, that serves a billion people. OK? I mean, I don't know how to say it any clearer," Schmidt told the Washington Post's editorial board after his Sept. 29 testimony before the Senate Judiciary Antitrust Subcommittee. "It's not like we raised prices. We could lower prices from free to . . . lower than free? You see what I'm saying?"

Now, by way of Huffington Postcomes a report that the late Steve Jobs, another highly visible Obama supporter, argued heatedly with the president about the White House policy agenda during a one-on-one meeting last year. According to Walter Isaacson's soon-to-be-published biography of Apple's founder and former CEO, Jobs warned Obama that he wouldn't win re-election if he continued imposing excessive regulation and operating costs on American businesses.

"You're headed for a one-term presidency," he told Obama at the start of their meeting, insisting that the administration needed to be more business-friendly. As an example, Jobs described the ease with which companies can build factories in China compared to the United States, where "regulations and unnecessary costs" make it difficult for them.

 

Jobs also criticized America's education system, saying it was "crippled by union work rules," noted Isaacson. "Until the teachers' unions were broken, there was almost no hope for education reform." Jobs proposed allowing principals to hire and fire teachers based on merit, that schools stay open until 6 p.m. and that they be open 11 months a year.

Perhaps because they were based in California, or because they are younger, Silicon Valley technology entrepreneurs have generally leaned philosophically liberal, supporting bigger government, more public spending, and more aggressive regulations, even though some free market analysts wondered why, because clearly risked blowback from many of the policies that might result.

Perhaps, like Google, they never thought themselves equivalent to older, more established companies that were marked by both politically and culturally conservative and consequently more risk averse. Certainly the media reinforced this differentiation, AT&T, IBM, Microsoft were the "bad" guys bent on preserving the status quo, so the narrative went; Google, Apple, Facebook, because they shattered so many business models, were the cool, good guys. But there is dangerous vanity in connecting your moral compass to your business models. When it comes to regulation, it doesn't matter how you see yourself, but how the government sees you. While Schmidt is justifiably angry about the interrogation he got on Capitol Hill, between the lines, one cannot help but read a pained "how-could-they-do-this-to-us!"

I prefer to be magnanimous, however, and point to a quote from Winston Churchill that begins, "If you're not a liberal at twenty you have no heart..." (Google this phrase if you don't know the rest). Suffice to say, Silicon Valley is growing up, and, as Schmidt realized, once you invite government in, they will take up residence.

But it's not until deep down in the Post interview that Schmidt talks about his epiphany in a pointed anecdote. and just as telling is how long ago he began to suspect that when business flatters itself by courting political power, it doesn't end well.

Silicon Valley's involvement with Washington dates from one event, which was John Scully--who was the CEO of Apple--had dinner with President Clinton and Vice President Gore in 1993. And we're all going, like, what's going on? Why would we have dinner with the president? And from that point on, people started to think it might be fun to hang out with these people.

 

So what happened was that there was something called the Clipper chip, which was the attempt by the government to enforce encryption on a particular communications aspect. And this was 1994. And it was the first time I know of that the Valley organized around a stupid technological thing that was going to be forced on us. This really had not occurred before. The chief proponent of the Clipper chip was Al Gore. So this is our first contact with Al Gore. All of us spent a lot of time and we eventually defeated it, but I think for many people that was sort of a wake-up call that the government could actually pass a law that was stupid, that would actually do something wrong and wouldn't work.

 

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There's Wisdom in the Willingness to Back Down

The big news in new media and entertainment this week has been Netflix's decision to back away from its plan to split the company into separate DVD rent-by-mail and video streaming operations.

The plan would have required some 12 million Netflix customers who use both the mail and streaming services to create two accounts, manage two rental queues and pay two monthly subscription fees. Netflix would keep its name on its increasingly popular Internet streaming service, which has attracted 10 million subscribers on its own, according to its own guidance. The new rent-by-mail company, picking up on what Netflix started, would have been called Quikster.

After facing a deluge of protests via email, blogs and social networking sites, not to mention a loss of 1 million subscribers in the third quarter, Netflix walked back the decision, and its CEO, Reed Hastings, sent an apologetic email to all account holders.

Full disclosure: I am a Netflix user and still a fan of the service, despite the price increase that preceded the aborted separation. I still believe I get considerable value for the service, and, deep down, I knew the combination of unlimited mail rentals and unlimited streaming for $23 a month (less for those who opted to have fewer disks at one time) wasn't going to last. The economics no longer added up.

Still, I thought it was premature for Netflix to throw over the mail business. Its streaming service does not have the depth in terms of titles to go by itself. And besides, DVDs is sometimes more preferable to streaming, particularly if you have a Blu-ray player or a less than optimal Internet connection.

While the media is doing its best to pile on Netflix for the blunder, I'd rather focus on the speed at which Netflix responded. Even though it is by far the leader in DVD mail rentals, it knew that wouldn;t last if it didn't keep customers satisfied.

Netflix is only the latest in a number of examples that demonstrate how businesses grasp the the imperative of self-correction, especially in high-tech. For another look to Research in Motion's BlackBerry PlayBook. The tablet computer opened to poor reviews, mainly because it had far less built-in functionality and applications, such as email, calendar and contact management,  compared to competitors. Its original plan was to add these features piece-meal.

On websites, blogs and bulletin boards, RIM got an earful from its fanatically loyal customer base, which also punished the company in the marketplace by not showing up at the sales counter. In September RIM reported that it had shipped just 200,000 PlayBooks in the preceding 90 days. By comparison, Apple sells 200,000 iPads in a little over 2 days, according to Pocket-lint, a site covering smartphones and tablets.

In a second article, Pocket-Lint also reported:

In a conference call following the company's latest earning report, that saw revenue down 15 per cent and profits down by 47 per cent compared to the previous quarter, the company told those listening that rather than trickle out small updates it would, instead, be opting ones which will have a bigger impact in the future.  

The update, due in October, would include the long promised native email, calendar, and contacts as well as the Android App Player and BlackBerry Balance; all previously promised for the "summer."

RIM has also promised improved BlackBerry Bridge support, enhanced web browsing, and the launch of a BlackBerry Video store that would offer over 10,000 films and TV shows playable on users TVs via the HDMI out socket on the RIM tablet. 

Other examples of the private sector's rapid self-correction after consumer outcry have been well documented. They include Facebook's retreat from more aggressive information-sharing and Google's agreement to remove pictures of individuals and private residences from StreetView upon request and to be less intrusive with the application in general.

Critics of "corporate America" should at least keep in mind the speed at which the private sector can move to address consumer pushback. Save for the BlackBerry PlayBook example, all of the instances above prompted someone, somewhere to call for government intervention to "fix" the problem. In each case it turns out the problem was addressed before the first government committee or task force could convene. (Still, the Congress and the FTC continue to harass Google, Facebook and Netflix for various activities they vaguely perceive as anti-consumer).

On the other hand, sometimes we wish that that government would react as quickly and pro-actively to citizen feedback. Certainly the mid-term elections of 2010 delivered a strong message that most Americans wanted Washington to rethink its strategy to re-energize the economy through bailouts, subsidies, repeated ineffective stimuli and quantitative easing, along with its increasing intrusiveness in American life, from issues as big as health care and school choice to as everyday as the light bulbs we use and the information we choose to share on line.

Another lesson in this is that despite the unrest that Netflix and other companies have stirred up among its customer base, by acting quickly, they all have managed to retain their customer goodwill. Although sometimes our culture sees apology as weakness, there can be an upside to the admission of a mistake and a commitment to move a new direction. Smart companies are aware of the price of arrogance. Would that governments were, too.

 

 

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Spectrum-or Lack of It-Remains the Problem with AT&T-T-Mobile

 

For all the talk about preserving competitive prices and quality service, opponents of the AT&T-T-Mobile merger won't answer the most compelling argument for the merger-how else are wireless service providers going to get the spectrum capacity they need to support the bandwidth demands next-generation services are creating?

The irony is that critics say AT&T's growing service complaints should be a point against its merger-that a company with a poor service reputation shouldn't be allowed to gobble up a company with a better one. But AT&T's acquisition of T-Mobile is a direct response to those service problems--namely to gain ownership of enough spectrum to support the voracious data needs of all those iPhones and iPads its customers keep buying.

And despite President Obama's call for more a more widespread broadband infrastructure, the Federal Communications Commission shows no sign of moving forward with any sort of plan to reallocate spectrum currently held by broadcasters.

Policy is at loggerheads. The Department of Justice's suit presents a simple choice: Attempt to preserve the competitive status quo, or allow market players to gain the economies of scale they need to deliver quality service. You can't have both. Kevin Pritchard at Connected Planet, who confesses his own misgivings about the merger, summed things up very well last week in a thoughtful piece. The whole post is here, but this is how it wraps up:

Despite AT&T's claims, no new capacity will be created from its merger with T-Mobile. We're talking about a redistribution of spectrum-concentrating it among a few large operators, rather than dividing it among multiple smaller ones. In fact, AT&T has misrepresented a lot about what the merger would accomplish. Buried among its talking points, however, is a key argument: By concentrating spectrum assets, operators can achieve economies of scale they simply wouldn't be able to achieve given their current resources. Of course, every monopoly has economies of scale. The big danger is that a larger operator won't pass its savings on to consumers, instead using its new market power to raise prices and double its profits. That result is entirely possible under a merged AT&T-T-Mobile.

Regardless of how AT&T would exercise those economies of scale, there's no question they would exist. AT&T could build much more high-capacity networks by combining it and T-Mobiles' advanced wireless services (AWS) spectrum. It could build that high-capacity network on a single infrastructure, rather than divide it among two separate network builds. That network could not only support greater connection speeds to the device, but it could support many more of those connections simultaneously-all at a lower cost per bit.

We're so enamored of the bright shiny new networks being deployed today, we tend to ignore the fact they have half-lives. Verizon Wireless is sitting pretty atop a 20 MHZ LTE network today, but it realizes that it will use up that capacity sooner or later (given the enormous demand for mobile data, sooner is more likely). That's why Verizon isn't opposed to AT&T's acquisition. VZW knows it will be back in the acquisition market soon enough, looking for the spectrum it needs to grow. Ironically the sole operator in a spectrum position to exercise outsized influence in the market is Sprint, the operator that supposedly would be hurt most if the merger were to pass. Through its control of Clearwire, Sprint has more than 100 MHz of spectrum in the major markets, making it the only operator prepared to take the mobile broadband revolution head on (CP: Which operators emerged as winners and losers in the DOJ-AT&T fallout).

I may sound like I'm preaching doom and gloom here, but I do realize that the networks of Verizon, AT&T, Sprint and T-Mobile will be perfectly adequate to meet the smartphone and tablet Web surfing and app download demands of today. It's a question of what the mobile data services of the future will be. If your idea of a mobile broadband future involves streaming a Netflix movie to a tablet--without paying $30 a pop in data fees--then the networks being built today just won't cut it. The mobile devices and applications being built and designed have voracious appetites. They'll need to be fed by massive networks.

Regulators face a quandary. They can preserve choice and competition in the market by banning any future operator mergers, but then they risk saddling consumers with mediocre networks. Or they can allow consolidation, creating the massive networks the administration so craves.

 

 

 

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Can Any T-Mobile Buyer Pass an Antitrust Test?

In the wake of the Department of Justice's lawsuit to stop the merger of AT&T and T-Mobile USA, there has been some discussion about where T-Mobile would end up if the government effort proved successful.

While debate continues whether a merged AT&T-T-Mobile would harm consumers, there is no disputing that T-Mobile itself is mired in business problems. For all the DoJ's concern that T-Mobile remain in the market as a low-priced alternative for consumers, the company is short of the cash necessary to expand infrastructure at a pace to remain technologically competitive. Blocking the AT&T deal would not necessarily keep Deutsche Telekom, T-Mobile's German parent, from seeking other buyers could rescue T-Mobile. Last week, Dave Goldman of CNN Money summed the situation up in "Without AT&T, T-Mobile is a White Elephant." The facts he lays out are among the reasons the merger makes sense.

Yet let's assume for a minute that the DoJ is successful in stopping the merger. A number of pundits both from both the business and the policy side have suggested other potential buyers. Sascha Segan at PC Magazine provided a good summary here

Segan was just one of many analysts who pointed to Google, Apple and Comcast (or a cable company consortium) as potential T-Mobile buyers. There are numerous reasons as to why these companies might or might not make a bid. Yet what I find interesting the way several critics of the AT&T deal are almost giddy with the idea that one of these companies might jump at T-Mobile, noting that the entry of a deep-pocketed non-carrier might be a good development for the consolidating wireless industry.

That may be true, but such scenarios raise issues of their own. For if the conventional wisdom is that AT&T's acquisition of T-Mobile is anticompetitive, how can any of these of these other merger proposals be justified?

Although it's treated as second nature, the use of antitrust to enforce a competitive status quo, as the DoJ is attempting here, is rather novel and derives more from recent European antitrust policy that U.S. jurisprudence. Together AT&T and T-Mobile would simply combine wireless network assets. Although the Feds often give similar intra-sector mergers in other industries (airlines, retail, media) a long look, in the end, they rarely withhold approval.

On the other hand, U.S. antitrust law historically has tended to frown on vertical integration, especially attempts to control key portions of the supply chain so as to create a monolithic organization that effectively monopolizes manufacturing, supply and all avenues to market.

Hence, movie studios were forced to divest theater chains. Oil and mining trusts were divorced from rail and transportation interests. Even early telecom policy attempted to structurally separate the "wholesale" network from retailing.

Most of the alternative T-Mobile tie-ups raise these supply chain issues. Like it or not, current tech policy demands we apply an "ifs, ands or buts" test to all industry activity. That is, any possibility, no matter how remote, that a merger, partnership, agreement or innovation might lead to unfair market domination must be regarded as an inevitable outcome, and therefore, pre-emptively regulated or blocked.

With this is mind, I offer the following thoughts on three potential suitors for T-Mobile if the AT&T is squelched.

Google:

Google is already under the Federal Trade Commission's antitrust microscope because it owns applications that can be bundled with search. In particular, the FTC wants to know if Google is structuring search results to rank its own services higher. Then there's the ongoing debate over the degree to which Google controls the online ad space. Recall the uproar over its purchase of Doubleclick.

So, if DoJ says AT&T and T-Mobile creates an antitrust problem, how could it then sanction T-Mobile's sale to a company that: 1) is the leader in organizing the presentation of information on the Web; 2) Is a de facto gateway to numerous sites and applications; 3) Is the developer and owner of Android, a leading smartphone operating system, and 4) is buying the mobile device business of Motorola?

"If, ands and buts:"  Assuming the Google's acquisition of Motorola goes through, adding T-Mobile will create a company that makes a proprietary operating systems for handsets, owns a handset manufacturer, and controls a national mobile network over which its OS and handsets conceivably could be engineered to its advantage (at least you make the case). With T-Mobile's wireless assets, Google could also influence the way its search engine and applications run over the network, locking out T-Mobile customers from other search sites and other apps.

Apple:

An Apple deal would run into much of the same problems as Google. Apple manufactures a proprietary handset, the iPhone. It also owns the on-line iPhone store, and has come under fire for keeping too close a rein on the distribution third-party applications for the device, as well as for eschewing certain software, such as Adobe Flash. Steve Jobs, its outgoing CEO, is the majority shareowner of Disney, a media and content giant. Apple fails the "ifs, ands and buts" test because ownership of T-Mobile would give it a means to hijack conventional Internet channels to the detriment of other content providers. This could be viewed as unfair competition, even a potential network neutrality violation. Apple would be able to engineer iPhones to wireless network specifications that it would not share with other smartphone makers. As with Google, an Apple-T-Mobile tie-up, if we use current DoJ standards, creates more antitrust problems than AT&T does.

Comcast:

Only the cable companies exceed the phone companies in political unpopularity. Comcast is the leading cable provider in the U.S., owner of NBCUniversal (which was competed despite protest form that same activists trying to block AT&T-T-Mobile), an owner of sports franchises and a sports arena. Already activists complain that Comcast and its brethren aim to use their cable network assets to hobble Netflix, Hulu and other video programming competitors that use their infrastructure to deliver video content.

"Ifs, ands and buts:" You could easily charge that Comcast poses the same threat to any video applications and content that can be delivered wirelessly. Why would it even want to invest in 4G wireless if all this would do was provide more bandwidth for video competitors? How could Comcast be given control of billions of dollars of spectrum and a mobile network alongside an extensive landline fiber network and not use that power threaten competition?

This is more than a snarky exercise. As a supporter of free market solutions, I don't have too many misgivings about any of these scenarios. What concerns me is that the DoJ's intervention in the AT&T-T-Mobile deal carries with it a temptation to direct the market toward an outcome the current more favorable to the current political prejudices. We've already seen administration's overt favoritism in the energy sector.

I'm not saying this is the DoJ's desired aim, but the question hangs there: Given T-Mobile's precarious state--if the government deems AT&T is an unacceptable buyer--who, then, is acceptable? When most other buyers also raise similarly provisional antitrust concerns, rejecting one in favor of another will appear arbitrary and smack of central planning.

Although it may not be popular to say so, shareowners have rights, including the right to sell their stock at the best offer. We've given the government the power to overrule these rights if they deem the sale is in the public interest. That's why the DoJ has to mind the consequences of a blocked sale, for if AT&T-T-Mobile does not serve the public interest, neither, by its own reasoning, do any of the other scenarios outlined above. If it rejects one, it needs to reject the others. Anything else turns its exercise into one of industrial policy rather than protection of the public.

 

 

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Scott Cleland's Top 10 Flaws in DOJ's case against AT&T

Scott Cleland, research analyst and president of Precursor LLC, has posted 10 solid problems in the Department of Justice's antitrust suit to block AT&T's merger with T-Mobile. All of these present significant obstacles to DoJ successfully providing enough proof to support its claims that the merger will, in the words of the complaint, result in "higher prices, poorer quality services, fewer choices and fewer innovative products for the millions of American consumers who rely on mobile wireless services in their everyday lives.”  

The 10-point summary follows below. Cleland expands on each in the complete post, which can be found here.

  1. The DOJ's own facts don't support its national relevant market definition. 

  2. The DOJ arbitrarily gerrymandered its market definition to exclude real and relevant market competition in a large geographic segment of the nation. 

  3. The DOJ's arbitrary national market definition completely ignores ~10% of their supposed "national" market. 

  4. Implying #4 T-Mobile is the only important "maverick" competitor, essentially ignores how #3 Sprint also has many "maverick" attributes and capabilities that would survive the merger. 

  5. The DOJ is arbitrarily ignoring its own longstanding precedent of defining the wireless market locally without any justification for this fundamental change. 

  6. The DOJ is also trying to move the goalpost on what is an acceptable level of market concentration. 

  7. The FCC's competitive facts do not support the DOJ's market definition or conclusion. 

  8. The DOJ ignores and dismisses obvious market efficiencies 

  9. The DOJ's charge the merger will substantially lessen competition in "product variety and innovation" completely ignores the plethora of facts from the handset, mobile OS and App markets to the contrary. 

  10. Maybe most importantly, the DOJ complaint ignores the explosion of market facts that show how dynamic and fast-changing the mobile marketplace has become.

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Wireless Changes the Universal Service Equation

The following is adapted from my filing last week in the FCC’s request for comments on its Connect America Fund plan and its overall Universal Broadband Service inquiry.

With its inquiry into reforming universal service funding through a new Connect America Fund (CAF), the Federal Communications Commission has a chance to craft policies that will help increase broadband penetration in rural areas, but do so in line with 21st century technologies and market realities. Yet overall success of the Connect America Fund as a replacement for the current Federal Universal Service Fund (FUSF) will hinge on the Commission’s ability to question past assumptions about universal service.

The FCC is to be commended on its goal of refocusing the objective of the fund toward broadband, and moving away from a goal of narrowband, wireline, dial-up phone service; a platform that consumers are rapidly exchanging for richer and more robust wireless choices.

Wireless, in fact, changes the entire universal service equation, both in terms of service and cost, and stands to be an important component of universal broadband scenarios going forward. It also challenges two long-standing assumptions regarding universal service—first, that there is only room for one rural service provider and, two, service is so expensive to provision in rural areas that subsidies are almost always required.

Since inception of the FUSF idea in the Communications Act of 1934 to its latest iteration in 1997, the assumption has been that universal service is achievable only through massive cross-subsidization. The reasoning has been that the cost of build-out to populations of low density would always greatly exceed the revenue that could be recovered. This was once true, but is becoming less and less the case.

For one, deployment of new technology platforms, especially wireless, can be accomplished at far less the cost than fiber and copper-based landlines. Moreover, wireless services are more popular. Again, as little as 10 years ago, landline was still considered a “gold standard” for telecommunications service. The improvement in quality, capacity and service options in the past ten years, but more acutely since the introduction of the iPhone and iPad devices, have put wireless service, including broadband services, on a par with wireline, and perhaps poised to past it.

Wireless is no longer a poor-man’s substitute for broadband. In fact, the excellent utility of numerous platforms have compared to wireline broadband is proving out. But all debate aside, on almost every broadband platform, respective service providers are upgrading constantly. So-called “3G” wireless networks are being upgraded to Long Term Evolution (LTE), which promises speeds of 5 of 12 Mb/s. WiMax has shown it can be an equally strong alternative platform to LTE, and cable modems have gone from 4 to 10 Mb/s in the past four years.

That means cable companies can have a role as well, although in rural areas, their strongest competition comes from direct broadcast satellite services, not phone companies. Satellite services, however, are at a disadvantage when it comes to Internet service. Although satellite-based broadband Internet is feasible, it is not as fast as terrestrial alternatives. This provides cable TV service providers with a critical value-add to leverage as long as rfegulations do not skew to far toward favoring legacy telcos.

In short, there are several options for broadband delivery to areas of low population density. It is quite possible for these to be delivered without subsidies. The FCC’s goal should be to encourage private investment that yields a profitable return, and, as time goes by, reduce subsidies along with the size of the CAF.

There is no reason to dismiss the role of private investment out of hand. It is more than just rural telephone companies that have an interest in expanding broadband service. Among service providers, wireless, cable, power utilities, even satellite, mentioned above, have viable platforms. Moreover, unlike conventional narrowband phone service, there exists a group of influential players that have a vested interest in greater rural penetration. Companies like Apple, Google, Netflix and Microsoft are fueled by broadband users. When they partner with service providers, or simply purchase their bandwidth in bulk, they become new sources of revenue—revenue that increases in proportion to the size of their user communities.

Applications such as movies on demand, location-based services, enhanced search and social networking are driving broadband adoption. Some 30 percent of Internet traffic is Netflix movies. It was the iPhone that pushed wireless phone service to become the broadband platform much sooner than thought.

As these applications drive demand for broadband access—and promise greater revenues to more players—they attract the necessary investment to expand the broadband infrastructure. In the process, rural broadband becomes less a policy obligation incumbent on a carrier of last resort and more of an opportunity that can fuel competition.

In the narrowband days, revenues from phone service were inelastic. Consumer price points were $30 to $40 a month. If it cost $100 a month to service the customer, FUSF paid the difference.

In today’s broadband market, revenues are far more elastic. Basic service might still be as low as $30 a month, but attractive and desirable options--additional lines, services such as unlimited text messaging, additional bandwidth, international calling packages—increase revenue streams. In addition, the demand for third-party applications, such as streaming movies, downloadable mobile applications and e-commerce create much greater incentive to service new pockets of population—no matter where there are.

On the supply side, technology improvements and innovations are driving down the cost to provision service. A rural low-density population may still require greater investment, but contemporary policy should not assume it is undesirable to serve nor that the cost difference can only be bridged through subsidies.

It also would serve taxpayers, rural constituencies and competition if the FCC were to base CAF allocation on new models, such as reverse auctions, where funds would be dispersed to service providers that can meet broadband service requirements most cost-effectively. While the FCC may chose to set parameters for broadband service, such as a minimum of 4 to 6 Mb/s per second, it should not give favor to particular platforms—such as wireline over wireless or fiber over copper—as long as the service parameters are met.

The new CAF should also eliminate the “cost-plus” provision of USF, which reimburses to telephone companies the cost of meeting universal service measures plus an additional 10 percent of that expense. All this does is incent the use of costlier materials and resources to meet a need that could be equally served for less funds.

The FCC should also make year-to-year CAF reduction a goal of the new plan. While the American Broadband Connectivity (ABC) submitted by six major U.S. service providers endorsed a cap on annual cumulative CAF distributions, a more worthy goal would be a phased reduction. Technology has a downward cost curve. Plus, if the CAF is doing its job, less and less will be needed to facilitate buildout. CAF payouts may never drop to zero, but at this point, given the current levels of penetration, plus the opportunities that broadband presents to service providers willing to make private investment, a goal to hold to the current annual FUSF high-cost fund payout--$4.5 billion--with no endpoint, is too easy.

Finally, the ABC plan also calls for a five-year phase-in of the reformed CAF structure. This is too long, especially given technology and infrastructure lifecycles. We acknowledge that most rural phone companies rely on current FUSF funding mechanisms for positive cash flow, and that an immediate shift to a reformed CAF may cause pain for investors and shareowners (For a larger discussion of the effect of USF and ICC subsidies on rural service provider financials, see my 2009 policy study on FUSF reform). At the same time, the industry knew FUSF reform was coming, and that the current method was unsustainable. Despite this, companies continued to base their business models on direct subsidies through the FUSF and indirect subsidies through intercarrier compensation. A five-year transition time unfairly penalizes potential service providers with less expensive models that are viable. Transition times for incumbent rural telephone companies to adjust to the reformed system should be short—12 to 24 months at most.

Other points:

  • CAF administrators should revisit subsidies from year to year. Recipients should be able to justify annual payouts. Do not allow service providers to develop a financial dependency of CAF distributions.
  • Do not use the CAF to fund competition, especially if an existing provider is meeting demand with private investment and without subsidies.
  • The fund should be agnostic to any current or future broadband delivery platform. Do not create carve-outs or guarantee rights of first refusal for companies in specific silos—wireline, wireless or, cable. Avoid assuming a current incumbent service provider will be most successful at delivering broadband to a given franchise area.
  • Avoid funding municipal broadband plans. The pattern over the past ten years invariably shows these schemes fail to provide ubiquitous, quality, low-cost service. No matter how much the community pours into these ventures, they rarely prove sustainable. Propping them up via CAF only prolongs their inevitable demise to the disadvantage of consumers who could see more benefits from commercial service providers.
  • The intercarrier compensation system also needs to be overhauled. The mechanism must reflect the true cost of call completion and end its use as an opaque, indirect subsidy system that, in today’s environment of VoIP’s ability to mask call origin, has become a playground for arbitrage.

Free market dynamics have changed the business of telecommunication services—and not just at the urban and suburban levels. True, rural deployment lags, but it is catching up quickly, in part because in the years since FUSF reform debate began, new technologies, especially wireless services, have demonstrated their capability to support true broadband speeds. This is not futurism: LTE wireless is being deployed now and will soon be a standard across wireless systems. When coupled with the enormous community of third-parties for whom universal broadband means greater growth and opportunities, a universal service mechanism that encourages maximum possible funding through private investment in line with market mechanisms is the soundest policy course.

 

 

 

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